(In January 1932 the political situation in India was tense and explosive. The country was bubbling with enthusiasm of unprecedented intensity and people were bent upon casting away the yoke of slavery by hook or by crook. The Congress had already passed a resolution involving the resumption of Civil Disobedience Movement and on the other hand, the British Government were bent upon suppressing the upheavals by all possible means, and they had already apprised the Mahatma of their intentions through a telegram. At that critical period Mahatma Gandhi issued the following message to the Nation:)
WE ARE EMBARKING ON A FIERY ORDEAL.
It is a matter for deep regret to me to have received this telegram from H.E. the Viceroy and the Government. I cannot help saying that it has heaped error upon error, instead of courageously acknowledging the first error, in practically banging the door in my face by imposing for the coveted interview conditions which no self-respecting man can possibly accept and reopen the door. The telegram had added another error by deliberately and finally shutting the door by telling me that he cannot see me under threat of resumption of civil disobedience and introducing in the telegram an argument that is not germane to my repeated request for an interview. The Viceory and his Government have committed a flagrant breach of the Delhi Pact by using the so called threat of resumption of civil disobedience as an excuse for refusing to see me.
Surely he must know that the negotiations which resulted in the settlement were being carried on although civil disobedience was still on, and under the settlement it was never finally given up but was only discontinued for the purpose of securing representation of the Congress at the Round Table Conference, it being understood that it was likely to be resumed if the Round Table Conference failed to do satisfaction in respect of the national demand. To this I wish to add the Second Settlement that was arrived at in Simla immediately prior to my departure for London. On examining the correspondence that has passed between myself and the Government, it would be seen that not withstanding the truce, I had reserved to myself the right to take civil disobedience by way of defensive action in connection with the grievances about which relief might not be attainable through milder methods. Surely, if civil disobedience was such a heinous crime, the Government could never have exchanged correspondence on that basis and sent me to London with Viceregal blessings; but I see that with the change of times, manners have also changed.
The action must now respond to the challenge of the Government. It is to be hoped, however, that whilst people belonging to all classes and creeds will courageously and in all humility go through the fiery ordeal considering no price too dear and no sufferings too great, they will observe the strictest non-violence in thought, word and deed, no matter how great the provocation may be. I would also urge them not to be angry with the administrators. It is not easy for them to shed the habit handed down from generation to generation. Our quarrel is not with men but with measures.
We have faith in ourselves and therefore in human nature to feel that, if we suffer long enough and in the proper spirit, our sufferings must result in converting administrators. After all, let us realise that the greater and the longer sufferings, the greater would be our fitness for Swarajya, for which we are embarking upon a fiery ordeal. I would remind the nation of the pledge I gave to the Prime Minister towards the end of the Plenary Session of the Round Table Conference that there should be no malice in the struggle if it fell to our lot to resume it and that we would do nothing unworthy. I shall trust every Indian to redeem the pledge.